Indian Education System: Needs a relook

I have been thinking a lot over the reservation/education thing for the past few days and I feel that it is the lack of proper education centers which is the main problem. There isn't any need for quota or stopping anyone if we have surplus avenues for studies. I have jotted down a few points just to think over them.

What I want?

1. India to be rich and powerful society


2. Make best use of resources (includes human resource as well) and actions must be taken to grow/produce more resources in future.


3. potential areas
   1. knowledge economy (it, bt etc)
   
   
   2. agriculture
   
   
   3. some other new domains which are yet to be exploited fully
   
   
   
   

Clearly outlines the need for education
We have to re-organize our education system to suit our needs.

Expectations from the system (not in the order of priorities)

• an army of professionals who are technically sound and motivated.


• some geniuses who can lead the nation from the front in various research fields.


• educate others to a minimum level that they understand the importance of education and can at least motivate their children to aim for the highest.

To cater to such needs our education system has to grow to at least 10 times its current size in next 5-6 yrs.

Govt tells us that it is impossible to achieve this.
Is it really so?
Do you buy the govt's argument?
Unfortunately, most of us do, the same way we had accepted the artificial crisis of goods in 70's and 80's. Liberalization came in and now we see the result. You had to wait for the same old crap bajaj scooter for years before getting the delivery. Used to make std calls as Rs 38/min just a few years back. All this was not just the result of governments apathy but also because of our mindset. We never really questioned govt. Never took it to task. We are still to come out of the mindset of ruled-class. We will have to stop taking govt's words for granted. We will have to question them.
THEY HAVE TO SATISFY ON OUR BIGGEST ISSUE: EDUCATION.
It's only education on which India can rely to make it big and it's high time that we go in for large scale liberalization on educational system with a TRAI-like authority over-seeing everyone.

Infact, as I've already discussed in my earlier posting it won't be a bad idea to get a survey/study done by some professional group (like mckinsey) to get a better understanding of our pain-points and suggestions on improving the efficiency of the whole system. We should also be ready for a total overhaul in the system/process. It won't be a costly affair when compared to thousands of crores we spend every year on education. We can definitely put in hundred crore one time for such a study.

I demand some real action.

Rajiv Gandhi's Speech on Reservation Issue in Parliament

Rajiv Gandhi Lok Sabha on September 6, 1990

Sir, before I start on what I really wanted to say, I must say that I have been terribly pained with what I have heard just now from one of the members of the government, one of the ministers. It is extremely sad that the thinking in this government revolves around caste ...

We, the Congress, are in favour of a comprehensive action plan, an affirmative action plan for the backward communities. We need that. The problem cannot be solved by playing politics or by limited politically motivated manipulations... Is the government looking at one particular vested interest or is the government really looking at the socially and educationally backward classes? This is the question I want to put to the Prime Minister...

What objection can there be to what I am saying? In fact, every objection that I am hearing is only confirming my fear that this government is aiming these benefits at a particularly privileged group and not looking at the really poor...I think the honourable Prime Minister has totally missed the point. The point is within a particular class, who do you want to help? Do you want to help those persons within a particular class who are already well-off?...I will answer how many. If the number is negligible, if the number is only one or two, then you should have no objection at all because you are only eliminating two out of the 42 or 43 crores. What is your objection then? The fact is that within a class when you want to give some assistance, it should go to the poorest. I would recommend it...Sir, it should go not only to such under-privileged groups and many other like them, but to people from all religions who are under-privileged and this is where I have a grave difference with what the government is bringing in. They are looking almost entirely at caste...Not only that. They have not included very large sections of the minority who should be included. If you look at the Muslims, the vast majority of the Muslim community in India is backward -educationally, socially, economically everywhere. The same thing is true for Christians. The same thing is true even for Sikhs who are by and large okay, but there are still groups who are not all right. It is true for almost every religion as groups who are socially and educationally backward. Why should they not be included? The government must explain this; the country wants to know.

The second point which must be a part of the national goal is a casteless society. The Constitution very clearly differentiated between Scheduled Castes and backward classes. Why did our Constitution makers make this distinction? They had something in their minds. Why have we lost that distinction today?

Three important sociologists were involved with the Mandal Commission- Prof B.K. Roy Burman, Prof Srinivas and Prof Jogendra Singh. They have been thanked in the preface of the Mandal Commission Report for the work they have done. But reading the newspapers recently, I found that they have declined the honour and they have clearly said that they were denied any real opportunity to participate in he findings...The three important sociologists that were involved with this Commission have today said that they have not contributed to this Commission. Then, how did this Commission get its information? There was a Research and Planning team which met for only three days. I read out para 11.3 where it says: ''To begin with, a Research Planning Team of sociologists met in Delhi from June 12th to 14th, 1979, to draw up a plan of studies and researches which should be undertaken by Backward Classes Commission for determining, in a scientific and objective manner, the criteria for defining socially and educationally backward classes.''

Then he says it is appended on the back...The task of this team was solely to draw up a plan of studies - not to do the studies only but to draw up a plan of studies. They did not do the studies. This group was never consulted again. Then, the Srinivas Panel did meet only for five days. So, the research team met for three days, the Srinivas Panel met for five days:

Para 11.4. ''Subsequently, a panel of experts led by Prof. M.N. Srinivas, met in Delhi from July 16 to 20th, 1979, i.e. for five days, and, after detailed deliberations, prepared a complete design of the survey along with a set of scheduled, dummy tables, instructions, etc.''

So, these two groups in a sense laid down, what the Commission could do. Now, what did the Commission actually, do with it, because neither of these teams was consulted after this? This means no specialist, no sociologist was involved with this report, apart from those eight days...

The only expert advice that this committee has got was from the Technical Advisory Committee headed by a bureaucrat, the Director General of the Central Statistical Organisation, a professional statistician...not a sociologist...This was the level, the intellectual level at which the data that has been received, has been processed. These are the intellectual inputs that have gone into it. But what of the data; what is the quality of the data that was collected?... I am going to give you quotations from Mr Mandal himself on what he thinks about the data that he has collected and presented. Paragraph 3.15 says:

''On the basis of 1891 and 1931 Census, data was collected and analysed with a view to getting a frame for the linkage of traditional occupations by caste.'' Now, what are we talking about? We are talking about data which is 100 years old, or 60 years old. Is that valid today? Can we really interpolate from 1891 and 1931, to 1990, or, does something better needs to be done.

Indian Education System: Can McKinsey do the trick?

Much has been talked/discussed/written over the inefficient education system of India. I have tried to summarize the major issues with our education system.

Spending on Education: UPA govt promised to increase the spending from 3% of GDP to 6% and slapped us with education cess for that. I have been happily paying the education cess under the impression that it will go directly for the education.. but this year budget shows otherwise.. no substantial increase in the expenditure on education. This has to increase. I can't understand that when so many univs/engg/medical colleges could be opened in late 50's and early 60's (this was one of the worst times India has ever faced.. everyone thought that India was on the brink of collapse and more so after chinese and pak invasion.) then why can't we do it now, when we are at our best. When will India understand that we have to build a knowledge economy and we have to have the surplus of education centers whatever it takes.

Primary Education: Corrupt Officials, bad/no infrastructure, schools with no-roof, mid-day-meals (this is one great effort to lure children to school, but again corruption is there), number of schools per student too low, lack of 'jawahar navodaya' kind of residential schools (jnv's are a great asset to the nation and i feel that India needs many more of them).

Secondary Education: Number of schools too less, too few scholarships. lack of interests in teachers, lack of motivation in students.

Post Secondary/higher education: less number of schools, the proportion of grads in some of the social sciences streams (say ancient history, sociology, psychology, philosophy, geography) is way toooo high than what a country like India needs. Won't it be a good idea to restrict such streams to some good univs only. And may be start some vocational courses (not necessarily engg.. can be para-medical/agriculture) so as to enroll most of our students who aren't into any professional degree courses/research. Also setting up some institutes/incubation centers which can provide help/knowledge/information etc to young entrepreneurs.

I am sure there are many more and it is not at all exhaustive. Please do feel free to comment if u want some more issues to be added up to the list above.

Also, to propose a solution I would need lots of data and also the skill to fruitfully analyse them (which I have no experience in). Infact, last night it came to us (santosh and me) that instead of everyone proposing sketchy/inexact/immature solutions to the problem why can't we have a study done by some professional body(s) (mckinsey etc) and propose solutions which can then be debated. We (includes the bunch of babus/politicians who govern this whole thing) should also be open to the total change in the system. Such a study shouldn't be dearer when compared to our education budget (this yr's budget outlays around 17k crores for the primary education and this is just from the central govt).

Reservation, Quota: My Rumblings

I have been going through some of the 'pro-reservationists' writings these days and I found a startling fact(?). It is not the economic-inequality or lack of facilities that they talk about. They want the reservation as a measure to ensure social-justice. 'Anti-reservationists' argue that if 'reservation' has to be there then it should be on economic basis. In other words 'anti-reservationists' are trying to negate the head-start that some gain due to financial capabilities. While, the 'pro-reservationists' are trying to solve a completely different problem, that of social-justice.

So, I feel that the two groups are trying to tackle two different problems. That of economic-inequality and social-injustice.

'Anti-reservationists' might argue that nothing like 'social-injustice' exists. But, let's face it that it does, it does in schools/colleges everywhere, may be not to the extent as it was in our parents' time. Infact, I have myself seen some of those who are today championing the cause of 'anti-reservation' using casteist remarks against their own batchmates. I personally can't condone this act even as a reaction to their getting into iit on quota seat. How many instances are there of a so-called well-educated (say an iitian) marrying a person of backward class? (Compare this with the probability of a inter-caste marriage if no one ever thought of caste.. just a tad less than 1 taking into account the large number of castes that exist in India)

Coming back to the original issue. The two groups are fighting on two different and almost-independent issues. So, why are the two groups opposed to each-other? Why can't they come together and find the solutions for both the problems simultaneously (this is the only way to beat the currupt politicians)?

o May be because 'pro-reservationists' belong mainly to the backward-classes and have a feeling that this 'anti-reservation' agitation is another trick of forward-classes to deprive them of the social-justice. They should try to see the problems described by the other group in their perspective and understand the logic. I can personally assure that it is not 100% crap. They'll be welcomed to join the so-called anti-reservationists group and discuss and formalise the demands to the govt.

o 'anti-reservationists' think that by diluting the merit we would be dragging the country back. These people also need to think as to why has the merit been coming only from the so-called upper-class and why not from the backward-classes? Does it have anything to do with the genes? Obviously no. They too have the potential but it has rarely come out. Won't it be a great idea if we could somehow unlock this great potential of India? There seems to exist an invisible, almost impenetrable divide between the privileged and unprivileged class. Isn't there any way that pull them onto this side of the world, which produces meritorious students. It is all just a food for thought but reservation can be one of the ways (if not the only and certainly not the best.. think of something better and feasible). It may not seem to deliver immediate value please don't forget to look 25-50 yrs ahead. It may be like the R&D spending which delivers in long-term.

Mandal's True Inheritors

Source: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1486250.cms

Mandal's True Inheritors
CHANDRA BHAN PRASAD

A quarter of a century has passed since the Mandal report was submitted to the president on December 30, 1980. Since then, tonnes of newsprint and plenty of air time have been consumed debating Mandal.

But rarely do we confront a basic question - why did L R Naik, the only Dalit member in the Mandal Commission, refuse to sign the Mandal recommendations?

While submitting his report, chairman of the commission B P Mandal wrote to the president on why the commission could not arrive at a consensus, and referred to L R Naik's note of dissent.

That letter forms the inaugural part of the report. How could V P Singh ignore the very first page of the report, which refers to Naik and his note of dissent, while posing as a crusader for social justice?

During the Mandal controversy, the Congress only mildly opposed the report, saying it was not properly debated.

Its think tank knew of Naik's thesis, but didn't raise it openly. Clearly, V P Singh and Congress had similar political compulsions.

Fifteen years have passed since Mandal was implemented in August 1990, but neither the Left and nor the Bharatiya Janata Party talk of Naik's thesis.

Cutting across party lines, all are afraid of discussing his observations. Naik said that OBCs were made up of two large social blocks - landowning OBCs whom he describes as intermediate backward classes, and artisan OBCs whom he describes as depressed backward classes.

According to Naik, intermediate backward classes or upper OBCs (Yadavas, Kurmis, Jats, among others) are relatively powerful, while depressed backward classes, or most backward classes (MBCs), remain economically marginalised.

He argued for splitting the Mandal quota into two in order to safeguard interests of MBCs, as he feared that upper OBCs would monopolise Mandal jobs.

Naik said this 25 years back when the nation did not know of Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad Yadav or Nitish Kumar.

Today, most states are ruled by upper OBCs, who have evolved into lords of the countryside. People have a fair idea of upper OBC affluence and political power.

But who are MBCs and where are they situated in the caste hierarchy? Of this, people are less aware. As traditional service and artisan castes, MBCs are spread all over India.

In fact, there can rarely be a village without MBC castes. With the introduction of modern farm equipment, blacksmiths have become irrelevant.

Modern kitchenware did the same to potters. Has anyone seen palanquins in contemporary India? Only a century back, several hundred thousand people belonging to a caste called Kanhar shouldered this human-powered transport.

What happened to them? What happened to Noniyas, the traditional earth movers? Has anyone seen traditional oil-pressing tools in recent times? With motorised oil presses, the bullock driven tool has disappeared.

Hundreds of such professions disappeared with the arrival of machines and modernity. What happened to the people involved in those professions?

Traditional artisan and service provider castes called MBCs form more than 50 per cent of the OBC population. With the disappearance of their trades, most of them turned agricultural labourers.


In most indices of development, they often fare worse than Dalits. Since they are spread all over India, and divided into so many smaller caste groups, they do not become electorally decisive in any assembly or parliamentary constituency.

MBCs have neither political leadership nor any lobby in business or the intellectual world. Unlike MBCs, upper OBCs are traditional peasant castes, who have now turned into landowning castes. They control most of the countryside's wealth and institutions.

As masters in booth management, upper OBCs control politics at the grass roots, which is reflected in the composition of state assemblies and Parliament.

OBCs invest least in education of their children and block their money in immovable assets. They need a social movement, not reservations.

Naik advocated the cause of voiceless MBCs a quarter century ago and demanded splitting of Mandal quota into two to safeguard their interests.

In 2006, justice demands that upper OBCs be expelled from the Mandal list, as MBCs are the truest inheritors of Mandal quotas.

V P Singh refused to buy Naik's thesis because his eyes were on the powerful upper OBC vote bank. He spoke of social justice but quashed hopes of MBCs.

The intelligentsia, which harps on social justice, too stood with upper OBCs, leaving MBCs to their fate. Fifteen years after V P Singh's assault on social justice, the Congress-led UPA government is going down the same path.

Congress seems to have decided to be the upper OBC party of India. Or else, upper OBCs have blackmailed the UPA government.

It is time that the nation got together to redefine the very meaning of social justice. How can the country treat MBCs as social orphans just because they are not a political force?

The anti-Mandal lobby gained in legitimacy simply because Mandal went the wrong way. It is in that sense that Mandal hurts even Dalits.

Much of the anti-Mandal steam will evaporate once Mandal is handed over to MBCs - its truest inheritors. The writer is an ideologue on Dalit issues.

Ek-Anek

something from the good ole days of doordarshan's monopoly
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Didi ye anek kya hota hai ?
Anek.... anek yani bahut saare....
jaise...
suraj ek...
chanda ek.....
taare anek....

achcha to taroN ko anek bhi kehte hain ?????
nahi nahi !!

dekho phir se batati hooN
suraj ek...
chanda ek.....
taare anek....

ek gilhari, ....
ek aur gilhari......
ek ek ek karke ho gayee ab anek gilhariyaaN...
ek titali, anek titaliyaaN....
ek chidiya.. ek ek anek chidiyaaN......
anek chidiyoN ki kahani sunoge ....
haan sunao...

ek chidiya anek chidiya....
dana chugne baith gayee thi .....
chorus : didi humen bhi sunao.......

phir se suno...
ek chidiya, anek chidiyaN
dana chugne baith gayee thi .....

WahiN ek byaadh ne jaal bichhaya tha...
byaadh, byaadh kya hota hai didi ?
byaadh ... chidiya pakadne wala

to phir kya hua, usne chidiyoN ko pakad liya,...
unhe maar diya ......
un..huh...

Himmat se jo jute rahe to bada kaam bhi hove
bhaiya.. bada kaam bhi
hove bhaiya ...
1..2..3.. furrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrr

Chaturrr cidiyaaN sayaani chidiyaaN,
miljul kar, jaal le kar...
Bhaagi chidiyaaN....
furrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrr

door ek gaaon mein chidiyon ke dost chuhe rahte
the....
unhone unka jaal kaat diya.........

dekha ekta mein kitni shakti hai......
didi agar hum ek ho jaayen to kya koi bhi kaam kar
sakte hain ?
haan haan kyon nahi ...
to kya is ped ke aam bhi tod sakte hain ???
haan magar jugat lagani hogi ...
JUGAT ???

*
* *
* * *
* * * *

achchha ye jugat .... wah bada mazaa aayega....
HO GAYE EK ...
BAN GAYEE TAKAT..
BAN GAYEE HIMMAT...
hind desh ke niwasi sabhi jana ek hain, -2
rang-roop vesh-bhaasha chahe anek hain -2

---- repeat...
bela gulab juhi champa chameli..... -2
phool hain anek kintu mala phir ek hai ...-2
ek-anek-ek anek

suraj ek, chanda ek, taare anek,
ek gilhari , anek gilhariyaaN,
ek titli, anek titaliyaaN,
ek chidiyaa , anek chidiyaaN......
are bela gulab juhi champa chameli.. -2
phool hain anek kintu mala phir ek hain.....2